Body: | 593 BC Nubian Expedition of Psammetichus II
Demotic papyri in the John Rylands library: 414 BC
Papyrus IX, Column 14, line 16 - Column 16, line 1
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Digging up Bible stories!
Edom was founded by Esau, twin brother of Jacob (born 2006 BC) in 1926 BC (Age 30), when Esau moves to Seir and conquers the Horites (Deut 2:12,22).
Esau goes extinct in 500 BC.
Detailed outline on Edom.
Introduction:
Pharaoh Psammetichus II (Psamtik II) 595-589BC has five important
events:
a. 593 BC: Psammetichus II's successful campaign in Nubia
(victory inscription)
b. ???595 BC: Founding of Jewish colony at Elephantine
c. 592 BC: Psammetichus II's visit to (Khor) Judea and
Philistia (Demotic Papyri)
d. 592 BC: Psammetichus II as one of the two eagles of Ezekiel 17
e. 589 BC: Psammetichus II's support of Zedekiah's rebellion to
Nebuchadnezzar
2. "Khor" includes Judah, Phoenicia, Syria
a. "At the time of the New Kingdom Khor was the name of
south-western Palestine" (The Expedition of Psammetichus II, Catalogue of
the Demotic papyri in the John Rylands library, F. Griffith, Francis
Llewellyn, Papyrus IX, Column 14, line 16 - Column 16, line 1, 1909 AD)
"The land of Khor, or Hor/Hurru, refers in Egyptian texts to
Syro-Palestine [Judah]." (The Murder of Sennacherib and Related Issues. W.
H. Shea, The Near East Archaeological Society Bulletin, 46, p 37, 2001 AD)
Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri in the John Rylands library, F.
Griffith, Francis Llewellyn, Papyrus IX, Column 14, line 16 - Column 16,
line 1, 1909 AD
See Zedekiah, King of Judah: Detailed outline.
The Expedition of Psammetichus II, Catalogue of the Demotic papyri in the
John Rylands library, F. Griffith, Francis Llewellyn, Papyrus IX, Column
14, line 16 - Column 16, line 1, 1909 AD
I. Translation of Papyrus Moscow 127:
"If (I) o
1. (Column 14, line 16) And in the 4th year of (line 17) Per'o
[Per'o = Pharaoh hereafter] Psammetk Nefrebre messages were sent to the
great temples of Upper and Lower Egypt, saying, Pharaoh goeth to the land
of Khor [Judea, Philistia, Syria]: let (line 18) the priests come with the
bouquets (?) of the gods of Kemi to take them to the land of Khor with
Pharaoh.' And a message was sent to Teuzoi, (line 19) saying, ' Let a
priest come with the bouquet of Amon to go to the land of Khor with
Pharaoh.' And the priests assembled and agreed in (line 20) saying to
Peteesi son of Essemteu, Thou art he that art meet [capable] to go to the
land of Khor with Pharaoh there is no man [here] in this city who (line 21)
can go to the land of Khor except thee. Behold, thou art a scribe of the
House of Life there is not a thing that they shall ask thee to which there
is not a suitable answer (?). (line 22) For thou art the prophet of Amin,
and the prophets of the great gods of Kemi are they who are going to the
land of Khor with Pharaoh.' They (Column 15, line 1) persuaded Peteesi to
go to the land of Khor with Pharaoh, and he equipped (?) himself (for the
journey). Peteesi son of Essemteu went to the land of Khor, no man (line 2)
accompanying him except his servant and one guard (?) named Usirmose. And
when the priests knew that Peteesi had gone to the land of Khor with
Pharaoh (line 3) they went to Haruoz son of Harkhebi, a priest of Sobk, who
was ruler of Hnest, and said to him, Doth his Honour know the fact that the
share of the prophet of Amtin of Teuzoi is Pereo's share, and it belongeth
to (line 4) his Honour ? Now, Peteesi son of Ieturoii, a priest of Amun,
took it when he was Ruler in Hnes, and behold it is held by his son's soli
until now.' And Hamuoz son of Harkhebi said unto them, ' Where is he, his
son ? ' (line 5) and the priests said to him, We have caused him to go to
the land of Khor with Pharaoh. Let Ptahnufi son of Haruoz come to Teuzoi,
that we may write him a title to the share of the prophet of Amun.' And
Haruoz made (line 6) Ptahnufi son of Haruoz, his son, come to Teuzoi, and
they wrote him a title to the share of the prophet of Amun of Teuzoi. They
divided the other sixteen shares unto the four orders, four shares to each
order. And they went to fetch (line 7) Ptahnufi son of Haruoz, and brought
him and caused him to anoint the hands' and to perform service to Amun.
Peteesi son of Essemteu came down from the land of Khor (line 8) and
reached Teuzoi, and everything that the priests had done was told to him.
Peteesi hastened northward to the gate of the House of Pharaoh, but he was
treated contemptuously (?), and they said unto him, 'Destruction ! Pharaoh
is (line 9) sick, Pharaoh cometh not out.' And Peteesi made plea unto (?)
the judges (?). They brought Ptahnufi son of Haruoz, and their declarations
were written in the House of Judgement, (line 10) saying, This share which
Ptahnufi hath taken, his father being Master in Hnes, is Pharaoh's share.'
Peteesi son of Essemteu spent many days (?) in the House of Judgement (line
11) (striving) with Ptahnufi son of Haruoz. And Peteesi was worsted in the
House of Judgement, and came south ; and he went away to Ne, saying, I go
to let my brethren (line 12) who are in Ne know it,' and found the sons of
Peteesi son of Ieturoti who were priests of Amin in Ne ; and he told them
every event that happened to him with the priests of Arnim of (line 13)
Teuzoi. And they took Peteesi and made him stand before the priests of
Arnim, and the priests of Arnim said unto him, ' What is it of which thou
sayest " Do it" ? It hath befallen that report hath been sent (line 14) to
the priests of Amin, saying, " Pharaoh Psammetk Nefrebre hath deceased
(?)." Behold, when they said "Pharaoh hath deceased (?)" we were about to
send to the House of Pharaoh con-cerning everything (line 15) that these
priests of a man have done unto thee : thou shouldest (?)1 make plea (?)
unto these (judges ?) who have given their declarations in writing in the
House of Judgement against this priest of Sobk who taketh of (?) thy share,
(line 16) for they will not be able to have leisure to finish an affair of
thine in this length of time (?).' The priests caused 5 pieces of silver to
be given to Peteesi, and his brethren gave him five more, in all to pieces
of silver, and they said to him, ' Go to the House (line 17) of Judgement
against this man who taketh of (?) thy share ; when thou spendest this
silver, come that we may give thee other silver.' Peteesi son of Essemteu
came north (line 18) and reached Teuzoi, and the men with whom he stood
said unto him, ' There is no profit in going to the House of Judgement ;
thy adversary in speech is richer than thou. If (line 19) there be a
hundred pieces of silver in thy hand he will defeat thee.' And they
persuaded Peteesi not to go to the House of Judgement. The priests did not
give stipend (line 20) for the sixteen shares which the priests had divided
to the orders, but the priests who happened to enter did service in their
name, and stipend of four was given to Ptahnafi (Column 16, line 1) in the
name of the share of the prophet of Amon, from the first year of Pharaoh
Uehabre [throne name of Psammetichus II unto the fifteenth year [555 BC] of
Pharaoh Ahmosi [Amasis 570-526 BC]. [" (The Expedition of Psammetichus II,
Catalogue of the Demotic papyri in the John Rylands library, F. Griffith,
Francis Llewellyn, Papyrus IX, Column 14, line 16 - Column 16, line 1, 1909
AD)
The Expedition of Psammetichus II
1. "The following section gives us the information that
Psammetichus II visited ' the land of Khor ' in his 4th year, accompanied
by a number of priests, and that soon after his return he was sick and
died. We already knew that he died after 5 1/2 years of reign, but an
inscription found in 1904 by M. LEGRAIN shows that the date of his death
was the 23rd Thoth of his 7th year. Herodotus, who calls the king Psammis,
tells us that his death occurred almost immediately after a military
expedition to Ethiopia [Nubia]." (The Expedition of Psammetichus II,
Catalogue of the Demotic papyri in the John Rylands library, F. Griffith,
Francis Llewellyn, Papyrus IX, Column 14, line 16 - Column 16, line 1, 1909
AD)
2. "Although there is nothing in the papyrus to prove that the
expedition to the land of Khor was military, it seems most probable that it
was so, and it is tempting to suppose that both statements refer to the
same expedition. But if so one or other of the authorities must be in
error, for the 'land of Khor' cannot be Ethiopia, but must either be
Phoenicia or, in a more general sense, the coast regions of Palestine and
Syria." (The Expedition of Psammetichus II, Catalogue of the Demotic papyri
in the John Rylands library, F. Griffith, Francis Llewellyn, Papyrus IX,
Column 14, line 16 - Column 16, line 1, 1909 AD)
3. "At the same time it is possible that both authorities are
correct, and that the two expeditions really took place as they are
represented ; there is just room to place the Ethiopian expedition between
the king's return from Syria and his death, and Peteesi does not mention
matters that do not concern the subject of his petition. Herodotus also,
who is surprisingly accurate as to the succession of the kings and length
of the reigns of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty, may be given some credence in
regard to what he records of their acts, although it can hardly be taken as
evidence against the probability of an expedition to Syria that he has not
noticed it. For instance, he records Needs' success in Syria, but makes no
mention of any subsequent loss of territory, although there is fairly good
evidence elsewhere to indicate that it was brought about by a disaster in
which Neco's himself with his army was involved." (The Expedition of
Psammetichus II, Catalogue of the Demotic papyri in the John Rylands
library, F. Griffith, Francis Llewellyn, Papyrus IX, Column 14, line 16 -
Column 16, line 1, 1909 AD)
4. "Unfortunately so little is known of the history of the time
that there is seldom any possibility of checking the statements by
incontrovertible evidence. In his account of events under Psammetichus I
Peteesi has shown himself a most untrustworthy guide, his statements being
at variance with facts, and sometimes scarcely to be reconciled with the
copies of documents which he appends to his narrative. - But his accuracy
ought to increase as he approaches nearer to his own day. The narrative has
leaped forward to about 590 B.C., and the petitioner is now dealing with
matters little removed from the reach of his own recollection, as will
appear from the following considerations: "Shortly after the 15th year of
Amasis Peteesi was a scribe and priest of Ammon, and treated at least as
grown up '. He must therefore have been born not later than the first year
of Amasis, B.C. 570, only 20 years after the expedition to Khor. Again,
Peteesi is represented as 'old' in the 9th year (512 B.c.) of Darius'.
According to the last calculation he would then be at least 57 years old,
agreeing sufficiently with this datum. But further, the Peteesi who made
the contract No. VIII, ill the 8th year of Amasis, c. 562 B.C., is in all
probability identical with Peteesi (III), the petitioner. This would
necessitate an earlier date for his birth than that just suggested." (The
Expedition of Psammetichus II, Catalogue of the Demotic papyri in the John
Rylands library, F. Griffith, Francis Llewellyn, Papyrus IX, Column 14,
line 16 - Column 16, line 1, 1909 AD)
5. "The papyrus was probably written not long after the 9th year
of Darius II [414 BC], say, 8o years after the date of the expedition, when
the event would be still within the recollection of the oldest
contemporaries of Peteesi. For the petitioner himself, the injury inflicted
on his grandfather while absent on the expedition was a turning-point in
the family fortunes, and it must have been constantly kept in his memory by
his father, and had been brought up by himself and his patron in the courts
of law." (The Expedition of Psammetichus II, Catalogue of the Demotic
papyri in the John Rylands library, F. Griffith, Francis Llewellyn, Papyrus
IX, Column 14, line 16 - Column 16, line 1, 1909 AD)
6. "The monuments afford some evidence which favours the
Ethiopian expedition. The cartouche of Psammetichus II is engraved in large
characters and conspicuously on several rocks in the region of the First
Cataract. His short reign is very notable for the abundance of fine work in
hard stone. He may then have visited the granite quarries of Syene merely
as a patron of the arts. But there is also the famous series of
inscriptions in Phoenician, Carian, and Greek upon the leg of one of the
colossi at Abusimbel, 170 miles south of the First Cataract, the most
important of which states, ' When king Psamatikhos had come to Elephantine
this was written by those who sailed with Psammatikhos (sic) the son of
Theokles. They went above Kerkis as far as the river permitted. Potasimto
was leader of the foreigners and Amasis of the Egyptians. Arkhon son of
Amoibikhos and Pelekos son of Eudamos wrote me.' Another graffito states,
`[I came here] with Psameitikhos when the king made his first expedition
Evidently this was an armed force sent by the Pharaoh : but it is still an
open question to which of the kings named Psammetichus it is to be
referred. The name Psammetichus may have been adopted by an adult, more
especially if he was a foreigner, in honour of the king whom he served, and
in the long reign of Psammetichus I there was time for new generations to
grow up bearing his name ; but the words `the first expedi-tion' are in
favour of an early date in the reign. The only other significant name is
Amasis [570-526 BC] (Ahmosi), which was very common in and after the
reign of Amasis II at the end of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty. It is common
also in the Eighteenth Dynasty, but rare in the interval. So far this name,
therefore, would point to the reign of Psam-metichus III, who may have had
occasion to visit the Nubian frontier in his reign of six months before
meeting the invading host of Cambyses. Psammetichus I also appears to have
sent an expedition into Nubia (see above, p. 73). But altogether the
balance of evidence seems to be in favour of the expedition having taken
place under Psammetichus II 2 palaeographical considerations alone being
almost conclusive against an attribution to Psammetichus III in 525 B.C."
(The Expedition of Psammetichus II, Catalogue of the Demotic papyri in the
John Rylands library, F. Griffith, Francis Llewellyn, Papyrus IX, Column
14, line 16 - Column 16, line 1, 1909 AD)
7. "With regard to Phoenicia, &c., there seems no reason why
Psammetichus II should not have made an expedition in that direction to
renew the contest for it with the prevailing power in Mesopotamia.
Assurbanipal, after his triumph over the Ethiopian Tandamane in Egypt (661
B. c. or earlier), besieged Tyre, and, without capturing it, com-pelled it
to pay tribute. Thenceforward he seems to have paid little attention to the
west, though Syria and Egypt were long considered officially as provinces
of the Assyrian empire. For many years Assurbanipal was engaged eastward in
wars and in crushing revolts in Elam, Babylonia, and Arabia, with unvarying
success. From the Assyrian records we learn that certain correspondence of
Pisamilki or Tusamilki (Psammetichus I) with Gugu (Gyges) the king of Lydia
was regarded as treasonable ; but probably no trace of real suzerainty over
Egypt then remained. The drain of constant war had told fearfully . on the
fighting population of Assyria, and in the later years of Assurbanipal
hordes of Scythians overran his empire. Herodotus tells us that
Psammetichus I turned back the Scythians from the frontier of Egypt by
gifts and entreaties3, and that he took Azotus after a siege of twenty-nine
years 4. Of Neco's bold bid for Syria we have more certain evidence. In or
about 6o8 B. c. Pharaoh-Necoh slew Josiah king of Jerusalem at Megiddo, and
penetrated to Carchemish on the Euphrates 1, driving any remnants of
Assyrian domination before him : returning thence he deposed Jehoahaz, who
had succeeded his father Josiah at Jerusalem, after three months' reign,
placed his brother Eliakim (Jehoiakim) on the throne, and put the land of
Judah under tribute 2. Herodotus, too, says that Neco's defeated the
(As)Syrians at Magdola, by which he means Megiddo, and took Cadytes, which
may be Gaza or some city in northern Syria. For a few years Neco's power
must have been supreme in Syria, but meanwhile the Babylonian kingdom had
become firmly established in the hands of Nabopalassar, whose son
Nebuchadrezzar was ever pushing towards the Euphrates to win from the
Scythians and the Egyptians the empire that the Assyrians had lost ; and
soon after we are told that ' the king of Egypt came not into the land any
more, for the king of Babylon had taken, from the brook of Egypt unto the
river Euphrates, all that pertained to the king of Egypt The book of
Jeremiah 4 and Josephus 5 place the decisive battle at Carchemish, and
represent the Egyptian forces as led by Neco's himself. Berosus represents
the cause of Nebuchadrezzar's expedition as the rebellion of the `satrap'
in charge of Egypt, Syria, and Phoenicia : if this is not a sheer mistake
it shows that the old view of the Egyptian Pharaoh as a tributary prince
had been perpetuated from the time of the Assyrian domination, The date of
the Babylonian expedition is about 605 or 604 B. C. It is by no means
certain that Nebuchadrezzar obtained a hold on Phoenicia at this time.
Josephus preserves a fragment of annals, according to which the almost
impregnable fortress of Tyre, under its king Ithobal, was besieged by
Nebuchadrezzar for thirteen years ; but this was probably about 585-57o, in
the reign of Apries of Egypt. In the meanwhile, for all we know, Phoenicia
may have been under Egyptian suzerainty7. At any rate, the Pharaohs could
intrigue and send expeditions, as Apries (Hophra) undoubtedly did ; there
is, therefore, nothing inherently improbable in the idea of an expedition
to Phoenicia or Syria under Psammetichus II. The conquest of Jerusalem took
place in the 1.9th year of Nebuchadrezzar's, i. e. in 586 B. C. : the year
to which this would correspond in Egyptian annals could scarcely be earlier
than the first or second of Hophra (Apries). The siege began a year and a
half before this ', and was inter-rupted at one time by the approach of
Pharaoh's army in. This event would hardly fall in the 4th year of
Psammetichus II, but rather belongs to the reign of Apries. Herodotus "
tells us that Apries marched by land to attack Sidon, and fought the king
of Tyre by sea. It would now seem that each Pharaoh, from Psammetichus I to
Apries, warred in Syria. The capture of Gaza by Pharaoh, referred to in a
heading to one of Jeremiah's prophecies 12, cannot be identified with
certainty, and the authenticity of the heading is thought to be very
doubtful." (The Expedition of Psammetichus II, Catalogue of the Demotic
papyri in the John Rylands library, F. Griffith, Francis Llewellyn, Papyrus
IX, Column 14, line 16 - Column 16, line 1, 1909 AD)
8. "Psammetichus II reigned 5 1/2 years, ascending the throne
between the 7th of Paophi and the 9th of Epiphi (WIEDEMANN, Geschichte Aeg.
v. Psamm. I, p. 119). He died on the 23rd of Thoth of his 7th year (Ann. du
Service, v. p. 86), so that more than two full years elapsed between the
announcement of the expedition into Syria in his 4th year and his death.
That his death took place now is shown by the statement (16/1) that
Ptahatfi received the stipend from the first year of his successor Apries,
and the same statement makes it probable that the appointment of Ptahatfi
by the priests (and consequently the expedition to the land of Khor to
which Peteesi was attached) befell at the end of the reign. The
announcement of the intended expedition may have been towards the end of
the 4th year, the expedition itself may have lasted into the 6th year. In
any case the death of the king seems to have taken place soon after Peteesi
returned, probably still accompanying the expedition." (The Expedition of
Psammetichus II, Catalogue of the Demotic papyri in the John Rylands
library, F. Griffith, Francis Llewellyn, Papyrus IX, Column 14, line 16 -
Column 16, line 1, 1909 AD)
9. "At the time of the New Kingdom Khor was the name of
south-western Palestine, but it obtained a more extended meaning: see W.
MAX 'MULLER, Asien und Europa nach altagyptischen Denkmalern, pp. 148-56.
In the decree of Canopus of the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes, when the
Egyptian Empire extended far into Western Asia, [x] is rendered in demotic
the province of the Amor,' (ibid., p. 2 1 9), and [x] `the province of the
Khor (or Khors ?)' (see also additional notes). If the plural is correct in
the latter case it may refer to the different cities or portions
constituting Phoenicia. Hence the land of Khor' probably means the trading
coastland of Phoenicia, though it may also include other and less wealthy
and important parts of Syria which are distinguished as the province of
(the) Amor in the decree of Canopus. In the Demotic Prophecies' the land of
Khor' is mentioned as the rival of Egypt, which might refer to any event
from the time of Esarhaddon to Antigonus, and in the third century A. D.
(Pap. Mag. L. L., xxi. 34) apparently as a source of wine symbolized by the
blood of wild a wild boar; cf. Hdt. iii. 6.." (The Expedition of
Psammetichus II, Catalogue of the Demotic papyri in the John Rylands
library, F. Griffith, Francis Llewellyn, Papyrus IX, Column 14, line 16 -
Column 16, line 1, 1909 AD)
III. Authorities on Papyrus xxx:
"In 591 Psammetichus II (594-588) made a trip through Ḫurru
(Phoenicia), which may have had as its purpose the inciting of further
rebellion in Palestine." (ABC, Volume 4, Page 1043)
"There is evidence for military cooperation between Egypt and Judah
in 593, and the following year Psammetichus II organized a triumphal visit
to Palestine (Greenberg Ezekiel 1-20 AB, 13)." (ABD, Zedekiah)
"It is significant of the political basis of Zedekiah's
initiative that just at this time evidence exists for military cooperation
between Judah and Egypt. Psammetichus II won a victory in Nubia in 593 with
the help of Judean troops (Letter of Aristeas, 3; Freedy-Redford, p. 476).
Following up this victory, Psammetichus organized a triumphal visit to
Phoenicia-Palestine in 592, which cannot but have strengthened the hands of
the anti-Babylonian forces in that region (W. Helck, Geschichte des alten
Ägypten, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968, p. 254; Freedy-Redford, p. 471).
Whether Zedekiah's revolt is to be connected with that visit
(Freedy-Redford, p. 480, fn. 100), or only with the accession of Pharaoh
Hophra in early 589 (A. Malamat, The World History of the Jewish People,
The Age of the Monarchies, IV/1 [Jerusalem: Massada, 1981], p. 215),
preparations for the revolt, especially the acquisition of chariotry and
auxiliaries from Egypt (cf. Ezek 17:15) must have antedated it
considerably." (Ezekiel 1-20, Moshe Greenburg, p 13, 2008 AD)
Letter of Aristeas
Nubian/Ethiopian military campaign of Psammetichus II in 593 BC
"Thinking that the time had come to press the demand, which I had often
laid before Sosibius of Tarentum and Andreas, the chief of the bodyguard,
for the emancipation of the Jews who had been transported from Judea by the
king's father-for when by a combination of good fortune and courage he
had brought his attack on the whole district of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia
to a successful issue, in the process of terrorising the country into
subjection, he transported some of his foes and others he reduced to
captivity. The number of those whom he transported from the country of the
Jews to Egypt amounted to no less than a hundred thousand. 13 Of these he
armed thirty thousand picked men and settled them in garrisons in the
country districts. (And even before this time large numbers of Jews had
come into Egypt with the Persian, and in an earlier period still others had
been sent to Egypt to help Psammetichus II in his campaign against the king
of the Ethiopians. But these were nothing like so numerous as the captives
whom Ptolemy the son of Lagus transported.)" (Letter of Aristeas 12-13,
Pseudepigrapha of Greek Court-official 278-270 BC. Actual: Written by Jew
in 150 BC)
"It was from this time that mercenaries began to play a significant role in
the country, later forming a separate division in the Egyptian army, a fact
known from texts dealing with Psammetichus II's campaign into Nubia (see
below). Garrisons were established at the south in Elephantine, and to the
northeast at Daphnae. A local war with the Libyans ended successfully for
Psammetichus, and he erected a series of stelae commemorating his army's
victory over these perennial foes in regnal years 10-11 (Goedicke 1962;
Basta 1968; Kitchen 1973: 405). In this case, it is clear that the Libyans
actually represented Egypt's western neighbors, rather than the former
kinglets of the Delta. It is possible that a third garrison was founded on
the west soon after this victory. All three were built to control the
entrances into the land, since Egypt had to fear invasion from Kush (south
of Elephantine), Assyria (northeast at Daphnae), and Libya (northwest at
Marea). In addition, the Nile itself was supplied with an independent
fleet, a forerunner of the navy developed in the East Mediterranean by
later Saite monarchs. Finally, Psammetichus allied himself to the Lydians
who, under King Gyges, began to expand and form a kingdom hostile to the
Assyrians (Spalinger 1978c; Millard 1979). Internally, Egypt lost much of
the character of the preceding age. The ubiquitous donation stelae were
still erected but now under only one king. Local independence in the north
had ended by year 8 of the pharaoh and even though Libyan families still
held power in some cities, their might was now subservient to the monarch.
Initially, Psammetichus stressed the importance of the powerful families in
Egypt, such as the Masters of Shipping at Heracleopolis and the Theban
dignitaries (Kitchen 1973: 402-3). Later, he placed his adherents, most
of whom came from the north, in key positions in the land (Kees 1935).
However no real administrative reform took place. The local administrative
units, the nomes, became tax collectors' districts, and outmoded titles
dating back to the Old and Middle Kingdoms were employed, but no major
reorganization of the finances or bureaucracy was apparently needed. By
simply sending his new officials to the south, Psammetichus ran the land
effectively." (ABD, Egypt, Volume 2, p 360)
"The Jewish community at Elephantine was probably founded as a military
installation in about 650 B.C.E. during Manasseh's reign. A fair
implication from the historical documents, including the Bible, is that
Manasseh sent a contingent of Jewish soldiers to assist Pharaoh
Psammetichus I (664-610 B.C.E.) in his Nubian campaign and to join
Psammetichus in throwing off the yoke of Assyria, then the world
superpower. Egypt gained independence, but Manasseh's revolt failed; the
Jewish soldiers, however, remained in Egypt. Herodotus reports that in the
reign of Psammetichus I, garrisons were posted at Elephantine, Daphnae and
Marea. Perhaps as an accommodation to the Jews in Egypt who served as a
buffer to renewed Assyrian control of Syro-Palestine (and also to
consolidate their loyalty), Psammetichus permitted the Jews to build their
temple. The Jews were not the only ones to benefit. The Aramean soldiers on
the mainland at Aswan were also allowed to erect temples to their
gods-Banit, Bethel, Nabu and the Queen of Heaven. According to the
above-cited letter of Jedaniah, the Elephantine temple was constructed
sometime before the Persian conquest of Egypt in 525 B.C.E.: "During the
days of the kings of Egypt [i.e., when Egypt was independent] our
forefathers built that temple in the Elephantine fortress and when Cambyses
[the Persian ruler who conquered Egypt in 525 B.C.E.] entered Egypt, he
found that temple built." But the Jews needed more than permission from
the Egyptian ruler to build a temple. According to Israelite tradition,
foreign soil was impure soil. From Joshua to the prophets to the Babylonian
exiles, it was understood that cultic activities should not be performed
outside the land of Israel. When the cured Aramean leper Naaman wanted to
worship YHWH in his homeland, he took with him two mule-loads of Israelite
earth (2 Kings 5:15ff)." (Did the Ark Stop at Elephantine?, Bezalel Porten,
BAR, BAR 21:03, May/June, 1995 AD)
"From this city you make a journey by water equal in distance to that by
which you came from Elephantine to the capital city of Ethiopia, and you
come to the land of the Deserters. These Deserters are called Asmakh, which
translates, in Greek, as "those who stand on the left hand of the
king". [2] These once revolted and joined themselves to the Ethiopians,
two hundred and forty thousand Egyptians of fighting age. The reason was as
follows. In the reign of Psammetichus I, there were watchposts at
Elephantine facing Ethiopia, at Daphnae of Pelusium facing Arabia and
Assyria, and at Marea facing Libya. [3] And still in my time the Persians
hold these posts as they were held in the days of Psammetichus; there are
Persian guards at Elephantine and at Daphnae. Now the Egyptians had been on
guard for three years, and no one came to relieve them; so, organizing and
making common cause, they revolted from Psammetichus and went to Ethiopia.
[4] Psammetichus heard of it and pursued them; and when he overtook them,
he asked them in a long speech not to desert their children and wives and
the gods of their fathers." (Herodotus, Histories 2.30.1-4)
"Under Psammetichus II (595-589) no change occurred in Egypt's Asiatic
policy. Possibly in order to prevent continued restiveness, Nebuchadnezzar
appeared in Hatti both in January and in December of 594, first in order to
collect tribute, then with his army (Wiseman, Chronicles, pp. 72-74). Was
it during that time, and to show submission, that Zedekiah went to Babylon
in his fourth regnal year? (See note 5 to Table of Dates.) But restiveness
continued, and in that year Zedekiah called a conclave of west-Asiatic
states in Jerusalem with a view to throwing off the Babylonian yoke-to
judge from Jeremiah's symbolic behavior (Jer 27). It is significant of
the political basis of Zedekiah's initiative that just at this time
evidence exists for military cooperation between Judah and Egypt.
Psammetichus II won a victory in Nubia in 593 with the help of Judean
troops (Letter of Aristeas, 3; Freedy-Redford, p. 476). Following up this
victory, Psammetichus organized a triumphal visit to Phoenicia-Palestine in
592, which cannot but have strengthened the hands of the anti-Babylonian
forces in that region (W. Helck, Geschichte des alten Ägypten, Leiden: E.
J. Brill, 1968, p. 254; Freedy-Redford, p. 471). Whether Zedekiah's
revolt is to be connected with that visit (Freedy-Redford, p. 480, fn.
100), or only with the accession of Pharaoh Hophra in early 589 (A.
Malamat, The World History of the Jewish People, The Age of the Monarchies,
IV/1 [Jerusalem: Massada, 1981], p. 215), preparations for the revolt,
especially the acquisition of chariotry and auxiliaries from Egypt (cf.
Ezek 17:15) must have antedated it considerably." (AYBC, Ezekiel 1-20, p
12)
The Expedition of Psammetichus II, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri in the
John Rylands library, F. Griffith, Francis Llewellyn, Papyrus IX, Column
14, line 16 - Column 16, line 1, 1909 AD
"The historical framework of the book [Nehemiah] is confirmed by papyri
which were discovered between 1898 and 1908 in Elephantine, the name of an
island in the upper Nile. Here Psammetichus II (593-588 b.c.) established
a Jewish colony. The Elephantine papyri are well preserved, written in
Aramaic, and are the 5th-century b.c. literary remains of this Jewish
colony of the Persian period." (Baker Encyclopedia of the Bible, p 1537,
1988 AD)
"Most scholars who have analyzed the letter have concluded that the author
cannot have been the man he represented himself to be but was a Jew who
wrote a fictitious account in order to enhance the importance of the Hebrew
Scriptures by suggesting that a pagan king had recognized their
significance and therefore arranged for their translation into Greek." (The
Bible in Translation, Bruce Metzger, p 15, 2001 AD)
"Aristeas wrote the Let. Aris. to his brother Philocrates. He was one of
the envoys but no further details are given about him. We can conjecture
that he was a Jew living in Alexandria (Pelletier 1962: 56). His
familiarity with Jewish worship and way of life is apparent, but his
interests were not limited within that area. In one passage (v 16) he seems
to associate himself with those who also call God the Creator "Zeus,"
i.e., Greeks or Hellenists, but this somewhat inconclusive statement is
outweighed by his special knowledge of Jerusalem and the temple worship (vv
83-118). This would indicate that Aristeas was probably a Jew. It is
tempting to conclude from the setting of Let. Aris. that its author
likewise came from Alexandria, but this is conjectural. The reference to
the Egyptian King Ptolemy Philadelphus (285-247 b.c.) and the use by
Josephus (a.d. 37-?110) of Let. Aris. as a source (Jewish Antiquities
12.2.118) provide broad indications of the date. Within these limits the
suggested dates, as summarized by Jellicoe (1968: 48-50) fall into three
groups: early, ca. 150-100 b.c., and 1st century b.c. It is less probably
a contemporary document-and therefore early-because the Pentateuch
seems to be assumed by the author to be a well-established version, the
origin of which he describes." (ABD, Letter of Aristeas)
Herodotus: "Psammis [Psammetichus II] reigned over Egypt for only six
years; he invaded Ethiopia, and immediately thereafter died, and Apries the
son of Psammis reigned in his place." (Herodotus, Hist. 2.160.1)
in an earlier period still [593 BC] Jews had been sent [by Zedekiah] to
Egypt to help Psammetichus II in his campaign against the king of the
Ethiopians [Nubia]
Timeline:
1. 664 BC : Psammetichus I (Psamtik I) becomes Pharaoh (664-610
BC)
a. "A fair implication from the historical documents, including
the Bible, is that Manasseh sent a contingent of Jewish soldiers to assist
Pharaoh Psammetichus I (664-610 B.C.E.) in his Nubian campaign and to
join Psammetichus in throwing off the yoke of Assyria, then the world
superpower. Egypt gained independence, but Manasseh's revolt failed; the
Jewish soldiers, however, remained in Egypt. Herodotus reports that in the
reign of Psammetichus I, garrisons were posted at Elephantine, Daphnae and
Marea. Perhaps as an accommodation to the Jews in Egypt who served as a
buffer to renewed Assyrian control of Syro-Palestine (and also to
consolidate their loyalty), Psammetichus permitted the Jews to build their
temple." (Did the Ark Stop at Elephantine?, Bezalel Porten, BAR, BAR 21:03,
May/June, 1995 AD)
2. 610 BC : Nico II becomes Pharaoh after Psammetichus I dies
(610-605 BC)
3. 595 BC : Pharaoh Nico II dies and Psammetichus II (Psamtik
II) becomes Pharaoh (595-589 BC)
4. 593 BC: Psammetichus II defeats Nubia with help of Zedekiah.
a. "The number of those whom he transported from the country of
the Jews to Egypt amounted to no less than a hundred thousand. Of these he
armed thirty thousand picked men and settled them in garrisons in the
country districts. (And even before this time large numbers of Jews had
come into Egypt with the Persian, and in an earlier period still [593 BC]
others had been sent to Egypt to help Psammetichus II in his campaign
against the king of the Ethiopians. But these were nothing like so numerous
as the captives whom Ptolemy the son of Lagus transported.)" (Letter of
Aristeas 12-13, Pseudepigrapha of Greek Court-official 278-270 BC. Actual:
Written by Jew in 150 BC)
b. "It is significant of the political basis of Zedekiah's
initiative that just at this time evidence exists for military cooperation
between Judah and Egypt. Psammetichus II won a victory in Nubia in 593 with
the help of Judean troops (Letter of Aristeas, 3; Freedy-Redford, p. 476).
Following up this victory, Psammetichus organized a triumphal visit to
Phoenicia-Palestine in 592, which cannot but have strengthened the hands of
the anti-Babylonian forces in that region (W. Helck, Geschichte des alten
Ägypten, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968, p. 254; Freedy-Redford, p. 471).
Whether Zedekiah's revolt is to be connected with that visit
(Freedy-Redford, p. 480, fn. 100), or only with the accession of Pharaoh
Hophra in early 589 (A. Malamat, The World History of the Jewish People,
The Age of the Monarchies, IV/1 [Jerusalem: Massada, 1981], p. 215),
preparations for the revolt, especially the acquisition of chariotry and
auxiliaries from Egypt (cf. Ezek 17:15) must have antedated it
considerably." (Ezekiel 1-20, Moshe Greenburg, p 13, 2008 AD)
c. "There is evidence for military cooperation between Egypt
and Judah in 593, and the following year Psammetichus II organized a
triumphal visit to Palestine (Greenberg Ezekiel 1-20 AB, 13)." (ABD,
Zedekiah)
5. 592 BC: Psammetichus II triumphal visit to Zedekiah
[Phoenicia-Judea] after defeating Nubia in 593 BC.
a. "In 591 [Actually 592 BC] Psammetichus II (595-589) made a
trip through Ḫurru (Phoenicia), which may have had as its purpose the
inciting of further rebellion in Palestine [against Nebuchadnezzar]." (ABC,
Volume 4, Page 1043)
b. "Following up this victory [Nubia 593 BC], Psammetichus
organized a triumphal visit to Phoenicia-Palestine in 592, which cannot but
have strengthened the hands of the anti-Babylonian forces in that region
(W. Helck, Geschichte des alten Ägypten, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968, p.
254; Freedy-Redford, p. 471). Whether Zedekiah's revolt is to be
connected with that visit (Freedy-Redford, p. 480, fn. 100), or only with
the accession of Pharaoh Hophra in early 589 (A. Malamat, The World History
of the Jewish People, The Age of the Monarchies, IV/1 [Jerusalem: Massada,
1981], p. 215), preparations for the revolt, especially the acquisition of
chariotry and auxiliaries from Egypt (cf. Ezek 17:15) must have antedated
it considerably." (Ezekiel 1-20, Moshe Greenburg, p 13, 2008 AD) xxx
6. 592 BC: Pharaoh Psammetichus II one of two eagles of Ezekiel
17:15
a. "But he [Zedekiah] rebelled against him [Nebuchadnezzar/God]
by sending his envoys to Egypt [Psammetichus II] that they might give him
horses and many troops. Will he succeed? Will he who does such things
escape? Can he indeed break the covenant and escape?" (Ezekiel 17:15)
b. On 17 Sept 592, Ezek 8-19: Ezekiel is translated to Jerusalem
for the first temple vision. Zedekiah rebels against Babylon: Ezek 17:15; 2
Kgs 24:20 Edom condemned: Ezekiel 16:55-59
c. Pharaoh Psammetichus II (Psamtik II) was the second of two
eagles in Ezekiel 17: "But he rebelled against him by sending his envoys to
Egypt that they might give him horses and many troops. Will he succeed?
Will he who does such things escape? Can he indeed break the covenant and
escape?" (Ezekiel 17:15) " (Ezekiel 17:15, 592 BC)
d. "Significantly, the change in Zedekiah's disposition toward
Nebuchadrezzar appears to have coincided with the accession of Psammetichus
II 595-589) to the throne of Egypt. A papyrus from El Hibeh refers to a
visit by the pharaoh to Syria-Palestine in his fourth year, ostensibly as a
religious pilgrimage to Byblos. But such royal visits usually also have
political undertones, especially since these states had revolted against
Babylon as recently as three years previously. In an early second-century
B.C. letter to Philocrates, Aristeas recalls that under Psammetichus, Jews
had assisted the Egyptians in their conflicts with the Ethiopians (Ep.
Aristeas 13). It is not clear whether Psammetichus II encouraged Zedekiah
to revolt again in 588. During the ensuing siege of Jerusalem, the Judeans
looked to Psammetichus II's successor, Apries/Hophra 589-570), for aid
(cf. Jer. 37:5-7), but in vain. Egypt stood by and watched the razing of
its former ally's capital without taking up arms in its defense. This
brief survey of events leading up to the siege of Jerusalem demonstrates
that Zedekiah's pro-Egyptian policy was not a last-minute strategy of
desperation. He had been casting his eyes southward for several years."
(NICOT, Ezekiel 17:14-15)
e. "The eagle is a popular figure in the prophets as well as in
the apocalyptic writings. In Ezekiel's allegory of the eagles (Ezek.
17:1-21) a great eagle represents the Babylonian Nebuchadnezzar, and
another eagle stands for the Egyptian pharaoh Psammetichus II." (Eerdmans
Bible Dictionary, Eagle, 1975 AD)
f. "The allegory in vv 1-10* presupposes the conspiracy of
Judah with Egypt and Zedekiah's defection from Babylonian overlordship
implicit in it. Greenberg has put together the accounts which appear to
support an intervention of Psammetichus II (594-588) in Palestine. The
Babylonian reaction, according to Ezek 17:1-9*, has still not taken
place. So we are led to the time before the beginning of the siege of
Jerusalem (cf. 24:1f*)." (Hermeneia, Ezekiel 17:1-24, 1979 AD)
g. "Although Ezekiel's original audience would have immediately
understood the allegory, God nevertheless provides an oracular
interpretation of it. The first eagle is Nebuchadnezzar, who deported the
Israelite king Jehoiachin and Ezekiel's fellow exiles to Babylon in 597
b.c. Nebuchadnezzar then placed the Davidide Zedekiah on the throne in
Jerusalem and made a treaty with him, thus providing all the conditions
necessary for political stability in the land. However, Zedekiah rebelled
and sought military support for his revolt against the Egyptian pharaoh
Psammetichus II, the second eagle of the allegory. Ezekiel, like Jeremiah
(Jer. 27:4-15), considered this move not only a political blunder but also
a violation of God's will. Therefore the judgment will take place on two
levels. On the human level, Nebuchadnezzar will besiege Jerusalem and
deport Zedekiah to Babylon, where he will die. On the divine level, God
will trap Zedekiah and judge him by taking him to Babylon, destroying his
army in the process (Ezek. 11:11-21). The interpretation of the allegory is
straightforward and, for the most part, does not appear to have been
crafted after the fall of Jerusalem. In fact Nebuchadnezzar was not able to
capture Jerusalem easily (cf. v. 9)." (Harper's Bible Commentary, Ezekiel
17:11, 1988 AD)
h. "The historical situation outlined in these verses is
illuminated by the narrative in Jeremiah 37, which shows that an Egyptian
force was apparently sent in the direction of Jerusalem, probably in the
summer of 588 bc, in response to Zedekiah's overtures and that the
approach of this army caused a temporary lifting of the siege of Jerusalem
which a Babylonian punitive force had already begun in January of the same
year (2 Kgs 25:1; Jer. 52:4). We know nothing of the fate of the Egyptians
but we can presume that their efforts were unsuccessful, and possibly only
half-hearted as well, because the siege was soon renewed for a further year
until Jerusalem finally fell in July 587 bc. An interesting cross-reference
is to be found in the Lachish letters, a collection of twenty-one ostraca
found in the excavated ruins of Lachish (modern Tell ed-Duweir) and
including reports sent in to the military governor there from one of his
outlying commanders about the progress of the campaign against the
Babylonian armies. One of these, datable about 590 bc, supplies the
information that 'Coniah, the son of Elnathan, commander of the army, has
gone down on his way to Egypt.' We are left to surmise the object of his
departure, but it may well have been to obtain assistance from Pharaoh
Psammetichus II (593-588)." (TOTC, Ezekiel 17:11-21, 1969 AD)
i. "Ezekiel depicts the same event with the eagle to be
understood allegorically. The eagle's carrying off the top shoot of a
tree (17:3-4a) represents King Nebuchadrezzar, who removes the Davidic
house and King Jehoiachin and exiles the ruling elite to Babylon. In 17:7,
Ezekiel uses the image of the eagle for another king, "another great
eagle with great wings and much plumage." This eagle is the Egyptian
king, Psammetichus II, who tries to extend his power by inciting Zedekiah
to rebel against Babylon. But both eagles, Nebuchadrezzar and Psammetichus,
come to nought in God's purposes (17:22-24). Working in a similar
paradigm of imperial powers as agents of God's judgment who will in turn
be judged by God, various prophets also use the image of the eagle to
depict aspects of these empires: their power, leaders,31 and impact. In
these ten passages, the eagle either depicts an imperial power (Assyria,
Babylon, Egypt), or represents an aspect of imperial power. Further, God
emerges in Ezek 17:22-24 (cf. 17:3-4) as a supereagle who, after using
an imperial power to inflict punishment, now punishes the imperial power
and saves the people from Babylon. Six passages explicitly use the eagle to
depict God's salvation from imperial tyrants. God saves from Egypt:
"You have seen what I did to the Egyptians, and how I bore you on
eagles' wings and brought you to myself" (Exod 19:4; cf. Deut
32:10-11). God also saves from Babylon (Isa 40:31) and from Moab, which
exploits Babylon's presence to threaten Judah (Jer 30:10, 16 LXX = 49:16,
22). In "out-eagling" these imperial powers, God soars even "among
the stars" to destroy Edom (Obad 1:4)." (Journal of Biblical Literature,
Volume 122, p 473, 2003 AD)
7. 589 BC : Pharaoh Hophra (Apries) becomes king (589-570 BC)
when Psammetichus II dies.
8. 589 BC: Pharaoh Psammetichus II (Psamtik II) II dies shortly
after he sends his army to defend Jerusalem (Jeremiah 37:5-7). Hophra may
have been the crown prince like Nebuchadnezzar in 605 BC when he was
recalled back to Babylon to claim the throne and becomes Pharaoh (589-570
BC) The Babylonians stop the siege of Jerusalem they redirect their attack
on Pharaoh's approaching army. (Ezek 29:1-16; 30:20-26; 31:1-18) Hophra
either returned to claim the throne after the death of his father or wisely
calls the attack off. Zedekiah is now defenseless and vulnerable but still
doesn't surrender to Nebuchadnezzar. Nebuchadnezzar's withdrawal of sieging
Jerusalem then returning to destroy the city is an anti-typical echo of
Titus's withdrawal in 70 AD. The former provided Nebuchadnezzar the
opportunity to surrender, sparing the city and the later provided an
opportunity for the Christians to escape the city (Lk 21:20) But
Nebuchadnezzar will withdraw a second time as we will see, in the
Sabbatical year of 588.
9. 588 BC: "Ezekiel never identifies the pharaoh by name, but
from Jer. 44:30 we learn that Hophra is in view. At the turn of the century
the restrained policy of his predecessor, Psammetichus II, had enabled
Nebuchadrezzar to capture Jerusalem unmolested. But Hophra's foreign
policy was opportunistic and ambitious. Responding to Zedekiah's call for
aid, he challenged the Babylonians by sending troops into Palestine, which
forced Nebuchadrezzar to lift briefly the siege of Jerusalem. But the
efforts proved futile for Zedekiah, as the Egyptians were quickly driven
from Judean soil. According to v. 2b the scope of this oracle extends
beyond the Egyptian royal house to all Egypt. On the principle of corporate
solidarity, v. 2b indicates that the fate of nation is inextricably bound
to the fate of the king, though the first phase of the oracle will focus on
the pharaoh himself." (NICOT, Ezekiel 29:1-2, 1998 AD, 588 BC)
Conclusion:
What we read in the book, we find in the ground, or in this case in
the Papyrus Pushkin 127 manuscript that dates to 1001 BC.
By Steve Rudd: Contact the author for comments, input or corrections.
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